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Savage Continent: Europe in the Aftermath of World War II Paperback – July 2, 2013
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Winner of the PEN Hessell-Tiltman Prize
"A superb and immensely important book."―Jonathan Yardley, The Washington Post
The Second World War might have officially ended in May 1945, but in reality it rumbled on for another ten years...
The end of World War II in Europe is remembered as a time when cheering crowds filled the streets, but the reality was quite different. Across Europe, landscapes had been ravaged, entire cities razed, and more than thirty million people had been killed in the war. The institutions that we now take for granted―such as police, media, transport, and local and national government―were either entirely absent or compromised. Crime rates soared, economies collapsed, and whole populations hovered on the brink of starvation.
In Savage Continent, Keith Lowe describes a continent where individual Germans and collaborators were rounded up and summarily executed, where concentration camps were reopened, and violent anti-Semitism was reborn. In some of the monstrous acts of ethnic cleansing the world has ever seen, tens of millions were expelled from their ancestral homelands.
Savage Continent is the story of post–war Europe, from the close of the war right to the establishment of an uneasy stability at the end of the 1940s. Based principally on primary sources from a dozen countries, Savage Continent is the chronicle of a world gone mad, the standard history of post–World War II Europe for years to come.
- Print length496 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPicador
- Publication dateJuly 2, 2013
- Dimensions6.2 x 0.85 x 9.15 inches
- ISBN-109781250033567
- ISBN-13978-1250033567
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“A superb and immensely important book.” ―The Washington Post
“A breathtaking, numbing account of the physical and moral desolation that plagued Europe in the late 1940s. Authoritative but never dry, stripping away soothing myths of national unity and victimhood, this is a painful but necessary historical task superbly done.” ―Kirkus Reviews
“Lowe's work, thoroughly researched and written with scrupulous objectivity, promises to be the year's best book on European history.” ―Financial Times (London)
“Deeply harrowing. Moving, measured, and provocative. A compelling picture of a continent physically and morally brutalized by slaughter.” ―The Sunday Times (London)
“A graphic and chilling account of the murderous vengeance, terroristic reprisals, and ferocious ethnic cleansing that gripped Europe following--and often as a direct continuation of--the Second World War. Keith Lowe's excellent book paints a little-known and frightening picture of a continent in the embrace of lawlessness, chaos, and unconstrained violence.” ―Ian Kershaw, author of The End: The Defiance and Destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1944–1945
“Savage Continent is a powerful and disturbing book, painstakingly researched and written with both authority and an impressive historical sweep.” ―James Holland, author of Italy's Sorrow and The Battle of Britain
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Savage Continent
Europe in the Aftermath of World War II
By Lowe Keith, Keith LowePicador
Copyright © 2013 Lowe KeithAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-250-03356-7
Excerpt
Savage ContinentPART IThe Legacy of WarI thought you'd be there waiting for me ... What greeted me instead was the lingering stench of ashes and the empty sockets of our ruined home.Samuel Puterman on his return to Warsaw, 19451;2
We could see the physical destruction but the effect of vast economic disruption and political, social, and psychological destruction ... completely escaped us.Dean Acheson, US Under-Secretary of State, 19471Physical DestructionIn 1943 the travel book publisher Karl Baedeker produced a guide to the Generalgouvernement -- that part of central and southern Poland that remained nominally separate from the Reich. As with all publications in Germany at the time, it was just as concerned with disseminating propaganda as with giving its readers information. The section on Warsaw was a case in point. The book waxed lyrical about the city's German origins, its German character and the way that it had become one of the world's great capitals 'predominantly through the effort of Germans'. It urged tourists to visit the medieval Royal Castle, the fourteenth-century cathedral and the beautiful late-Renaissance Jesuit Church - all the products of German culture and influence. Of special interest was the complex of late baroque palaces around Pilsudski Square - 'the most beautiful square in Warsaw' - now renamed Adolf Hitler Platz. The centrepiece was the 'Saxon' Palace, built of course by a German, and its beautiful Saxon Gardens, which were again designed by German architects. The travel guide conceded that one or two buildings had unfortunately been damaged by the battle for Warsaw in 1939, but since then, it reassured its readers, Warsaw 'is being rebuilt once more under German leadership'.1No mention was made of the western suburbs of the city, which had been converted into a ghetto for Jews. This was probably just as well because even as the book was being published an uprising broke out here, obliging SS-Brigadeführer Jürgen Stroop to set fire to virtually every house in the district.2 Almost four square kilometres of the city were entirely destroyed in this way.The following year a second uprising broke out throughout the rest of the city. This time it was a more general insurgency inspired by thePolish Home Army. In August 1944, groups of Polish men, women and teenagers began ambushing German soldiers and stealing their weapons and ammunition. For the next two months they barricaded themselves in and around the Old City, and held down more than 17,000 German anti-insurgent troops.3 The uprising only came to an end in October after some of the most brutal fighting of the war. Afterwards, tired of Polish disobedience, and aware that the Russians were about to enter the city anyway, Hitler ordered the city to be completely razed.4Accordingly, German troops blew up the medieval Royal Castle that had so impressed Baedeker. They undermined the fourteenth-century cathedral and blew that up too. Then they destroyed the Jesuit Church. The Saxon Palace was systematically blown up over the course of three days just after Christmas 1944, as was the entire complex of baroque and rococo palaces. The European Hotel, recommended by Baedeker, was first burned down in October and then, just to make sure, blown up in January 1945. German troops went from house to house, street to street, systematically destroying the entire city: 93 per cent of Warsaw's dwellings were destroyed or damaged beyond repair. To complete the destruction they burned down the National Archive, the Archives of Ancient Documents, the Financial Archives, the Municipal Archives, the Archives of New Documents and the Public Library.5After the war, when the Poles were turning their thoughts to rebuilding their capital, the National Museum held an exhibition showing fragments of buildings and artworks that had been damaged or destroyed during the German occupation. They produced an accompanying guide book, which, unlike Baedeker's guide book, was written entirely in the past tense. The intention was to remind the people of Warsaw, and the wider world, of exactly what had been lost. There is a realization implicit in both the guide book and the exhibition itself that those who lived through the destruction of Warsaw were no longer able to appreciate the immensity of what had happened to their city. For them it had happened gradually, beginning with the bombardment in 1939, continuing with German looting during the occupation and ending with the destruction of the Ghetto in 1943 and the final devastation in late 1944. Now, just a few months after their liberation, they had become used to living in shells of houses, surrounded on all sides by mountains of rubble.6In some ways the true scale of the destruction could be appreciatedonly by those who saw its results without actually witnessing it taking place. John Vachon was a young photographer who came to Warsaw as part of the United Nations relief effort after the war. The letters he wrote to his wife Penny in January 1946 display his complete incomprehension at the scale of the destruction.This is really an incredible city and I want to give you an idea of it, and don't know how I can do it. It's a big city, see. Over one million pre war. Big as Detroit. Now it is 90 per cent all destroyed ... Wherever you walk here it is hunks of buildings standing up without roofs or much sides, and people living in them. Except the Ghetto, where it is just a great plain of bricks, with twisted beds and bath tubs and sofas, pictures in frames, trunks, millions of things sticking out among the bricks. I can't understand how it could have been done ... It's something that's so vicious I can't believe it.7The beautiful baroque city described by Karl Baedeker just two years earlier had completely disappeared.
It is difficult to convey in meaningful terms the scale of the wreckage caused by the Second World War. Warsaw was just one example of a city destroyed - there were dozens more within Poland alone. In Europe as a whole hundreds of cities had been entirely or partially devastated. Photographs taken after the war can give some idea of the scale of the destruction of individual cities, but when one tries to multiply this devastation across the entire continent it necessarily defies comprehension. In some countries - especially Germany, Poland, Yugoslavia and Ukraine - a millennium of culture and architecture had been crushed in the space of just a few short years. The violence that brought about such total devastation has been likened by more than one historian to Armageddon. 8Those people who witnessed the wreckage of Europe's cities struggled to come to terms even with the local devastation they saw, and it is only in their tortured, inadequate descriptions that some of the destruction becomes imaginable. However, before we come to such human reactions to the crushed and shattered scenery, it is necessary to set down some statistics - because statistics matter, regardless of how elusive they can be.As the only nation to have successfully defied Hitler for the entireduration of the war, Britain had suffered badly. The Luftwaffe had dropped almost 50,000 tons of bombs on Britain during the Blitz, destroying 202,000 houses and damaging 4.5 million more.9 The pounding received by Britain's major cities is well known, but it is what happened to some of the smaller towns that shows the true extent of the bombing. The ferocity of the attacks on Coventry gave birth to a new German verb, coventriren -- to 'Coventrate', or destroy utterly. Clydebank is a relatively small industrial town on the outskirts of Glasgow: out of 12,000 homes only 8 escaped damage.10Across the English Channel the damage was not quite so universal, but much more concentrated. Caen, for example, was virtually wiped off the map when the Allies landed in Normandy in 1944: 75 per cent of the city was obliterated by Allied bombs.11 Saint-Lô and Le Havre suffered even worse, with 77 per cent and 82 per cent of the buildings destroyed.12 When the Allies landed in the south of France more than 14,000 buildings in Marseilles were partly or completely destroyed.13 According to government records for compensation claims and loans for war losses, 460,000 buildings in France were destroyed in the war, and a further 1.9 million damaged.14The further east one travelled after the war, the worse the devastation became. In Budapest 84 per cent of the buildings were damaged, and 30 per cent of them so badly that they were entirely uninhabitable.15 About 80 per cent of the city of Minsk in Belarus was destroyed: only 19 of 332 major factories in the city survived, and only then because mines set by the retreating Germans were defused by Red Army sappers just in time.16 Most of the public buildings in Kiev were mined when the Soviets retreated in 1941 -- the rest were destroyed when they returned in 1944. Kharkov in eastern Ukraine was fought over so many times that eventually there was little left to dispute. In Rostov and Voronezh, according to one British journalist, 'the destruction was very nearly 100 per cent'.17 And the list goes on. Approximately 1,700 towns and cities were devastated in the USSR, 714 of them in Ukraine alone.18Those who travelled across this ruined landscape in the aftermath of the war saw city after city after city destroyed. Very few of these people ever attempted to describe the totality of what they had seen - instead they struggled to come to terms with the more localized damage in each single city as they came across it. Stalingrad, for example, was nothing but 'lumps of walls, boxes of half-ruined buildings, piles of rubble, isolatedchimneys'.19 Sebastopol 'was now melancholy beyond words' where 'even in the suburbs ... there was hardly a house standing'.20 In September 1945 the American diplomat George F. Kennan found himself in the formerly Finnish but now Russian city of Vyborg, admiring the way that 'Rays of early morning sunshine ... caught the gutted shells of apartment buildings, and flooded them momentarily with a chill, pale gleam.' Apart from a goat that he startled in one of the ruined doorways, Kennan seemed to be the only living being in the entire city.21At the centre of all this destruction lay Germany, whose cities undoubtedly suffered the most comprehensive damage of the war. Around 3.6 million German apartments were destroyed by the British and American air forces - that is, about a fifth of all living spaces in the country.22 In absolute terms the damage to living spaces in Germany was nearly eighteen times as bad as it was in Britain.23 Individual cities suffered far worse than the average. According to figures from the Reich's Statistical Office, Berlin lost up to 50 per cent of its habitable premises, Hanover 51.6 per cent, Hamburg 53.3 per cent, Duisburg 64 per cent, Dortmund 66 per cent, and Cologne 70 per cent.24When Allied observers came to Germany after the war, most of them expected to find destruction on the same scale as they had witnessed in Britain during the Blitz. Even after British and American newspapers and magazines began to print pictures and descriptions of the devastation it was impossible to prepare for the sight of the real thing. Austin Robinson, for example, was sent to western Germany directly after the war on behalf of the British Ministry of Production. His description of Mainz while he was there displays his sense of shock:That skeleton, with whole blocks level, huge areas with nothing but walls standing, factories almost completely gutted, was a picture that I know will live with me for life. One had known it intellectually without feeling it emotionally or humanly.25British Lieutenant Philip Dark was equally appalled by the apocalyptic vision he saw in Hamburg at the end of the war:[W]e swung in towards the centre and started to enter a city devastated beyond all comprehension. It was more than appalling. As far as the eye could see, square mile after square mile of empty shells of buildings withtwisted girders scarecrowed in the air, radiators of a flat jutting out from a shaft of a still-standing wall, like a crucified pterodactyl skeleton. Horrible, hideous shapes of chimneys sprouting from the frame of a wall. The whole pervaded by an atmosphere of ageless quiet ... Such impressions are incomprehensible unless seen.26There is a sense of utter despair in many of the descriptions of German cities in 1945. Dresden, for example, no longer resembled 'Florence on the Elbe' but was more like 'the face of the moon', and planning directors believed that it would take 'at least seventy years' to rebuild.27 Munich was so badly devastated that 'It truly did almost make one think that a Last Judgement was imminent.'28 Berlin was 'completely shattered - just piles of rubble and skeleton houses'.29 Cologne was a city 'recumbent, without beauty, shapeless in the rubble and loneliness of complete physical defeat'.30Between 18 and 20 million German people were rendered homeless by the destruction of their cities - that is the same as the combined prewar populations of Holland, Belgium and Luxembourg.31 Another 10 million people in Ukraine were also homeless, or more than the total prewar population of Hungary.32 These people lived in cellars, ruins, holes in the ground - anywhere they could find a modicum of shelter. They were entirely deprived of essential services, such as water, gas, electricity - as were millions of others across Europe. Warsaw, for example, had just two working street lights.33 In Odessa water was only available from artesian wells, so that even visiting dignitaries were given just a single bottle per day for washing.34 Without these essential utilities the populations of Europe's cities were reduced to living, as one American columnist described it, 'in medieval fashion surrounded by the broken-down machinery of the twentieth century'.35
While the devastation was at its most dramatic in Europe's cities, rural communities often suffered just as badly. Across the continent farms were plundered, burned, flooded or simply neglected because of the war. The marshes in southern Italy, so assiduously drained by Mussolini, were deliberately flooded again by the retreating Germans, causing a resurgence of malaria.36 More than half a million acres of Holland (219,000 hectares) were ruined when German troops deliberatelyopened the dykes that kept the sea at bay.37 Remoteness from the main theatres of war was no protection from such treatment. More than a third of the dwelling places in Lapland were destroyed by the retreating Germans.38 The idea was to deny the turncoat Finnish forces any shelter during the winter, but it also had the effect of creating over 80,000 refugees. Across northern Norway and Finland roads were mined, telephone lines pulled down and bridges blown up, creating problems that would be felt for years after the war was over.Once again, the further east, the worse the destruction. Greece lost a third of its forests during the German occupation, and over a thousand villages were burned and left uninhabited.39 In Yugoslavia, according to the postwar Reparations Commission, 24 per cent of the orchards were destroyed, as were 38 per cent of the vineyards and about 60 per cent of all livestock. The plundering of millions of tons of grain, milk and wool completed the ruination of the Yugoslav rural economy.40 In the USSR it was even worse: here as many as 70,000 villages were destroyed, along with their communities and the entire rural infrastructure.41 Such damage was not merely the result of fighting and casual plundering - it was caused by the systematic and deliberate destruction of land and property. Farms and villages were burned down for the merest hint of resistance. Vast swathes of forest along the sides of roads were cut down to minimize the risk of ambush.Much has been written about how ruthless Germany and Russia were when they attacked each other, but they were equally ruthless in defence. When the German army streamed into Soviet territory in the summer of 1941, Stalin made a radio broadcast to his people telling them to remove everything they could before fleeing: 'All valuable property, including non-ferrous metals, grain and fuel that cannot be withdrawn must be destroyed without fail. In areas occupied by the enemy, guerrilla units ... must set fire to forests, stores and transports.'42When the tables began to turn, Hitler likewise ordered that nothing should be left behind for the returning Soviets. 'Regardless of its inhabitants, every locality must be burned down and destroyed to deprive the enemy of accommodation facilities,' read one of Hitler's orders to his army commanders in Ukraine in December 1941; 'the localities left intact have to be subsequently ruined by the air force.'43 Later, when things began to get more desperate, Himmler ordered his SS leaders to destroy everything: 'Not one person, no cattle, no quintal of grain, norailway track must remain behind ... The enemy must find a country totally burned and destroyed.'44As a consequence of orders like these, vast areas of agricultural land in Ukraine and Belarus were torched not once, but twice, and with them countless villages and farmhouses that might offer shelter to the enemy. Industry, naturally, was one of the first things to be destroyed. In Hungary, for instance, 500 major factories were dismantled and transported to Germany - over 90 per cent of the rest were deliberately damaged or destroyed - and almost every coal mine was flooded or collapsed.45 In the USSR approximately 32,000 factories were destroyed.46 In Yugoslavia the Reparations Commission estimated that their country had lost more than $9.14 billion worth of industry, or a third of the country's entire industrial wealth.47Perhaps the worst damage was that which befell the continent's transport infrastructure. Holland, for example, lost 60 per cent of its road, rail and canal transport. In Italy up to a third of the country's road network had been made unusable, and 13,000 bridges were damaged or destroyed. Both France and Yugoslavia lost 77 per cent of their rail locomotives and a similar percentage of all rolling stock. Poland lost a fifth of its roads, a third of its rail track (about 10,000 miles in all), 85 per cent of all rolling stock, and 100 per cent of its civil aviation. Norway had lost half of its prewar shipping tonnage, and Greece lost between two-thirds and three-quarters of all shipping. By the end of the war, the only universally reliable method of travel was on foot.48
The physical devastation of Europe was more than merely the loss of its buildings and its infrastructure. It was more, even, than the destruction of centuries of culture and architecture. The truly disturbing thing about the ruins was what they symbolized. The mountains of rubble were, as one British serviceman put it, 'a monument to man's power of self-destruction'. 49 For hundreds of millions of people they were a daily reminder of the viciousness that the continent had witnessed, and which might at any time resurface.Primo Levi, who had survived Auschwitz, claimed that there was something almost supernatural about the way the Germans had destroyed everything in their wake. To him, the broken remains of an army base at Slutsk, near Minsk, demonstrated 'the genius of destruction, of anti-creation, here as at Auschwitz; it was the mystique ofbarrenness, beyond all demands of war or impulse for booty'.50 The destruction wreaked by the Allies was almost as bad: when Levi saw the ruins of Vienna he was overcome by a 'heavy, threatening sensation of an irreparable and definitive evil which was present everywhere, nestling in the guts of Europe and the world, the seed of future harm'.51It is this undercurrent of 'anti-creation' and 'definitive evil' that makes the destruction of Europe's towns and cities so disturbing to contemplate. What is implied in all the descriptions of this time, but never overtly stated, is that behind the physical devastation is something far worse. The 'skeletons' of houses and framed pictures sticking out of the rubble of Warsaw are highly symbolic: hidden beneath the ruins, both literally and metaphorically, there was a separate human and moral disaster.SAVAGE CONTINENT. Copyright © 2012 by Keith Lowe. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. For information, address St. Martin's Press, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010.
(Continues...)Excerpted from Savage Continent by Lowe Keith, Keith Lowe. Copyright © 2013 by Lowe Keith. Excerpted by permission of Picador.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.
Product details
- ASIN : 125003356X
- Publisher : Picador
- Publication date : July 2, 2013
- Edition : Reprint
- Language : English
- Print length : 496 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9781250033567
- ISBN-13 : 978-1250033567
- Item Weight : 15.3 ounces
- Dimensions : 6.2 x 0.85 x 9.15 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #265,657 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #303 in French History (Books)
- #324 in World War II History (Books)
- #461 in German History (Books)
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About the author

Keith Lowe was born in 1970 and studied English Literature at Manchester University. After twelve years as a history publisher, he embarked on a full-time career as a writer and historian, and is now recognized on both sides of the Atlantic as an authority on the Second World War and its aftermath. He is the author of the Inferno: The Devastation of Hamburg 1943, and Savage Continent: Europe in the Aftermath of World War II, which won the 2013 PEN/Hessell-Tiltman Prize for History. In 2017 he published The Fear and the Freedom, to great acclaim. His books have been translated into twenty languages.
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Customers find this book to be a well-researched and compelling account of post-World War II Europe, with thorough writing that is detailed and easy to follow. The book provides a graphic look at the continent's turmoil, and one customer notes it's the best on the subject ever written. While customers appreciate the historical perspective on nationalist and ethnic struggles, the book receives mixed reactions regarding its portrayal of atrocities, with some finding it horrifying. The pacing receives criticism for being depressing and boring towards the end.
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Customers find the book interesting and amazing, with one noting that each page contains memorable content.
"A very good book. Most people think of the end of WWII with Germany surrender in May and Atomic bombs on Japan in August...." Read more
"This is fascinating and illuminating material for a general reader that provides a perspective beyond the Marshall Plan and the transition in power..." Read more
"...Fascinating - and very, very sad...." Read more
"Excellent, well researched, objective accounting of pre-war Europe and the buildup to the wars...." Read more
Customers praise the writing style of the book, finding it detailed and comprehensible, with one customer noting its unbiased and well-researched approach.
"...Engaging and well written, Savage Continent fills in many of the gaps...." Read more
"Well written, fascinating history of Europe after WWII...." Read more
"...It is easy to read and recommended for anyone interested in war or politics." Read more
"...This was a tough read but I believe a necessary read to truly appreciate the real social, political, and structural consequences and cost of the war." Read more
Customers appreciate the visual style of the book, describing it as enlightening and graphic, with one customer noting how well it matches the content.
"A perfect eye-opener...." Read more
"Graphic and informative. It's the side of the news never broadcast. Human nature doesn't change. Wonder what's in store for us." Read more
"...in a very balanced way that I feel is not only truthful and realistic, but basically fair to all parties involved...." Read more
"...]This is a truly unique and amazing omnibus ride through the aftermath of WWII in Europe: its..." Read more
Customers find the work excellent, with one mentioning that its structure works well.
"Excellent work, with some fascinating stories on top of the monumental historical events...." Read more
"...minor point, but I think it's a fair complaint about an otherwise outstanding work...." Read more
"...He does a great job of getting to the root causes of the modern day genocides and the often hazy alliances formed by disparate peoples with common..." Read more
"...This book is well written and comprehensible. The structure works well and the topics are clearly differentiated, which is nice." Read more
Customers have mixed reactions to the horror story in the book, with some finding it a must-read about atrocities and a depth study of war horrors, while others describe it as brutal and horrifying.
"...to remove most of their police for collaboration, it's a gloomy, horrifying, yet compelling narrative, a story that needs to be told...." Read more
"...book is presented in four parts which deal with: The Legacy of War, Vengeance, Ethnic Cleansing, and Civil War...." Read more
"This is an outstanding book. Truely shocking - but outstanding...." Read more
"...of the underlying hatreds of the Bosnian-Serb War and many other continuing hatreds...." Read more
Customers have mixed reactions to the historical content of the book, with some appreciating its perspective on the continent in turmoil, while others find it problematic for a history course.
"A perspective of a continent in turmoil that helps one understand how Europe has evolved to the present time. Well researched and developed." Read more
"Little known history; fascinating! WW2 destroyed a continent, and it's fallout lasted another decade to blight life for a generation." Read more
"Keith Lowe has written a masterful work on Europe immediately following World War II...." Read more
"...years were grim, and compounded by score-settling, revenge, political instability, and multitudes of displaced people returning to areas with no..." Read more
Customers find the book's pacing negative, describing it as depressing, heartbreaking, and boring towards the end.
"This is a depressing book...." Read more
"...Not a feel good book, but worth reading for the perspective." Read more
"...The actions of these groups were instinctive, visceral, and deadly, the perfect quintessence of the adage, `Revenge is a dish best served cold...." Read more
"...worst of all, it unleashed a tide of vengeance carrying death, destruction, and political upheaval into the post-war years...." Read more
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- Reviewed in the United States on January 7, 2020Format: KindleVerified PurchaseOn May 8th, 1945, World War II in Europe formally ended when the Allies accepted the unconditional surrender of Germany. In popular myth, especially among those too young to have lived through the war and its aftermath, the defeat of Italy and Germany ushered in, at least in Western Europe not occupied by Soviet troops, a period of rebuilding and rapid economic growth, spurred by the Marshall Plan. The French refer to the three decades from 1945 to 1975 as Les Trente Glorieuses. But that isn't what actually happened, as this book documents in detail. Few books cover the immediate aftermath of the war, or concentrate exclusively upon that chaotic period. The author has gone to great lengths to explore little-known conflicts and sort out conflicting accounts of what happened still disputed today by descendants of those involved.
The devastation wreaked upon cities where the conflict raged was extreme. In Germany, Berlin, Hanover, Duisburg, Dortmund, and Cologne lost more than half their habitable buildings, with the figure rising to 70% in the latter city. From Stalingrad to Warsaw to Caen in France, destruction was general with survivors living in the rubble. The transportation infrastructure was almost completely obliterated, along with services such as water, gas, electricity, and sanitation. The industrial plant was wiped out, and along with it the hope of employment. This was the state of affairs in May 1945, and the Marshall Plan did not begin to deliver assistance to Western Europe until three years later, in April 1948. Those three years were grim, and compounded by score-settling, revenge, political instability, and multitudes of displaced people returning to areas with no infrastructure to support them.
And this was in Western Europe. As is the case with just about everything regarding World War II in Europe, the further east you go, the worse things get. In the Soviet Union, 70,000 villages were destroyed, along with 32,000 factories. The redrawing of borders, particularly those of Poland and Germany, set the stage for a paroxysm of ethnic cleansing and mass migration as Poles were expelled from territory now incorporated into the Soviet Union and Germans from the western part of Poland. Reprisals against those accused of collaboration with the enemy were widespread, with murder not uncommon. Thirst for revenge extended to the innocent, including children fathered by soldiers of occupying armies.
The end of the War did not mean an end to the wars. As the author writes, “The Second World War was therefore not only a traditional conflict for territory: it was simultaneously a war of race, and a war of ideology, and was interlaced with half a dozen civil wars fought for purely local reasons.” Defeat of Germany did nothing to bring these other conflicts to an end. Guerrilla wars continued in the Baltic states annexed by the Soviet Union as partisans resisted the invader. An all-out civil war between communists and anti-communists erupted in Greece and was ended only through British and American aid to the anti-communists. Communist agitation escalated to violence in Italy and France. And country after country in Eastern Europe came under Soviet domination as puppet regimes were installed through coups, subversion, or rigged elections.
When reading a detailed history of a period most historians ignore, one finds oneself exclaiming over and over, “I didn't know that!”, and that is certainly the case here. This was a dark period, and no group seemed immune from regrettable acts, including Jews liberated from Nazi death camps and slave labourers freed as the Allies advanced: both sometimes took their revenge upon German civilians. As the author demonstrates, the aftermath of this period still simmers beneath the surface among the people involved—it has become part of the identity of ethnic groups which will outlive any person who actually remembers the events of the immediate postwar period.
In addition to providing an enlightening look at this neglected period, the events in the years following 1945 have much to teach us about those playing out today around the globe. We are seeing long-simmering ethnic and religious strife boil into open conflict as soon as the system is perturbed enough to knock the lid off the kettle. Borders drawn by politicians mean little when people's identity is defined by ancestry or faith, and memories are very long, measured sometimes in centuries. Even after a cataclysmic conflict which levels cities and reduces populations to near-medieval levels of subsistence, many people do not long for peace but instead seek revenge. Economic growth and prosperity can, indeed, change the attitude of societies and allow for alliances among former enemies (imagine how odd the phrase “Paris-Berlin axis”, heard today in discussions of the European Union, would have sounded in 1946), but the results of a protracted conflict can prevent the emergence of the very prosperity which might allow consigning it to the past.
- Reviewed in the United States on September 4, 2013Format: PaperbackVerified PurchaseYou don’t need to read a history book to know that post-war Europe was something akin to Cormac McCarthy’s The Road. Keith Lowe’s succinct book, The Savage Continent, however, does more than just detail the continent’s post-war bleakness; in articulating a few fine points, Lowe, transformed how I view the war itself and the Europe we see today.
But first, the destruction. Sure, there were no post-apocalyptic cannibals roaming around mainland Europe in the fall 1945, but at times this world doesn’t seem far off. A few facts bring this point to life; World War 2 killed nearly 40 million people, approximately 7% of Europe’s pre-war population (11); it left millions homeless, with nearly 20 million Germans alone without shelter and the Polish capital of Warsaw with only 2 working streetlights (8); it seemingly wiped out the demographic of men ages 17-40; it destroyed infrastructure, leaving walking as the only reliable method of travel on the continent (10); and perhaps worst of all, it unleashed a tide of vengeance carrying death, destruction, and political upheaval into the post-war years.
Lowe describes this post-war Europe as filled with “a cultural of casual sadism” where “Nazism [had] intoxicated a number of individuals to the point where they believe[d] that violence [was] always legitimate” (46). Some of this vengeance manifested itself in sad and bizarre ways; Lowe describes how “looting fever” (99) seized some cities where men would steal doorknobs from department stores despite the fact that nearly all doors had been blown off during the war. And some of the vengeance made m grimace; it’s thought that almost 2 million German women were raped in the aftermath of the war (55). With civil authorities weak, mob justice was a common tool used on collaborators and innocent political opponents alike.
However, as compelling as the numbers and stories that Lowe provides are, it’s viewing this horror in the context of its immediate past (the war itself) and distant future (Europe today) that give Keith Lowe’s book incredible power and meaning.
To me, three points stand out, and that I hope to remember.
First, Europe went from being one of the most ethnically diverse places on earth to a series of mono-cultural states. There are countless examples of this. Start with the fact that nearly the entire remaining Jewish population of Europe left the continent following the war. Pre-war Poland had the largest Jewish population of any nation on earth; post-war Poland, had very few. In addition to the well-documented Holocaust, post-war Europe saw huge land swaps and with each land swap, multi-cultural states were homogenized. Stalin took huge chunks of land from Poland (giving them Eastern Germany in return); Eastern Poland was given to Ukraine, Brest to Belarus, Vilnius to Lithuania. And with each land swap, diverse communities were forced to move to their “home” territory. Huge populations (an estimated 12 million people) of Volksdeutsche – German communities spread throughout Eastern Europe – were sent home in the wake of the war. There was a practical goal to this homogenization: to prevent future conflict. After all, post-war Europe saw brutal ethnic conflicts flare up between Ukraians and Poles, Serbs and Croats, Hungarians and Slovaks. A more homogenous Europe was thought to be a safer Europe. But Lowe is correct in pointing out the sad irony that post-war Europe accomplished some of the “racial purity” that Hitler hoped for: “Gone were the old imperial melting pots where Jews, Germans, Magyars, Slavs, and dozens of other races and nationalities intermarried, squabbled and rubbed along together as best they could” (248).
Second, the Second World War, like perhaps all wars, led to the creation of national myths of good versus evil, creation versus destruction, that belie the nuance and moral subjectivity of the war. While Lowe makes it clear that the atrocities that Allied forces committed during the war were “nothing like the scale of the Nazi war crimes”, he notes that “it is equally important to acknowledge that they did occur and that they were barbarous enough” (126). This is a note in history oft-forgotten. One I never really considered. The Poles were tough on German POWs and civilians alike, putting Germans in brutal labor camps built on the sites of former concentration camps. Brits and Americans alike agreed that Germans must pay for the war in labor. In Czechoslovakia, German civilians were told to wear armbands with “N” (Czech for “German”) on them and their rights were severely limited. Perhaps most bizarre of all is Lowe’s chapter on “horizontal collaborators”—women who slept with German soldiers. Lowe writes, “the number of sexual relationships that took place between European women and Germans during the war is quite staggering. In Norway, as many as 10% of women aged between 15 and 30 had German boyfriends during the war” (164). From the vantage point of nearly 70 years, it’s easy to view the war as a fight between good and evil. But Lowe brings to life a world of destruction where huge tracts of Europe collaborated, and perhaps even worse, civilians acquiesced and sought normalcy in a German-ruled Europe. Myths of national unity are nothing more than that: myths.
Just as brilliantly, Lowe succinctly jumps from one country to the next to illustrate separate points. He jumps to Romania to show how the threat of Soviet troops brought autocratic communists to power. He discusses Greece to show how British, and later, American, support galvanized anti-democratic forces to defeat communists in a bloody civil war. He looks at the depths of ethnic conflict by going to Yugoslavia and showing how the Ustasha Croats purged Serb minorities and then, in turn, were purged in Tito’s post-war regime.
Lastly, World War II was much more than just a war of Axis versus Allies. There were many wars and many separate struggles within World War II. Many of these conflicts dated back before the start of the war and many stretched on long after the war. Lowe provides one excellent example of how Italian communists fought 3 separate wars in parallel; a national war (against Nazi Germany), a civil war (against Italian fascists and collaborators), and a class war (against the bourgeoisie). More often than you might expect, made enemies of their friends and friends of their enemies.
Lowe presents a World War Two that was more than one conflict with moral ambiguities that fueled the chaos of and vengeance of post-war Europe. It’s this history that shaped the Europe we see today.
Top reviews from other countries
- R from OzReviewed in Australia on May 31, 2015
5.0 out of 5 stars The untold but important story of mopping up after WWII
Much is known and re-told of the events of the first half of the 1940s. This book recounts information which needs to be far more widely known. How is it that so much turmoil should pass somewhat unknown? This excellent book does as much as a single book can to redress the balance.
- Kindle CustomerReviewed in Canada on August 21, 2016
5.0 out of 5 stars Learn from history!
Format: KindleVerified PurchaseAs a baby boomer, I had an immediate post-war childhood. We often traveled to parts of Western Europe, and I recall seeing the ravages of war, some of which are graphically written about in this book. Eastern Europe is a whole new ball game. The book explains to me some of what I sensed in my early childhood. There were continuing animosities, and "healing" was difficult, to say the very least. I now understand, far better, some of the attitudes held by many of the people, and peoples, I met. Dutch, Belgian, the Germans themselves, Danes, Italians and above all those I most frequently met, the French.
Many people nowadays have swept such memories, and animosities, under the carpet. We in Europe still see them resurfacing, as in the Balkan conflict and in Greece. If you do not know the horrific and scarifying details, written about very clearly, in this book, which, of course, have fed into continuing wars, in places like the Middle East, you cannot begin to understand our fragile, and frequently broken "peace" since WWII. "Those who do not learn from history are condemned to repeat it", and we fail to learn time and again!
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FranciscoReviewed in Spain on March 23, 2013
5.0 out of 5 stars Sorprendente y doloroso.
Format: HardcoverVerified PurchaseHabía leído comentarios elogiosos sobre este libro y su autor y aprovechando su publicación en España, me atreví a leerlo en su versión original, en inglés. Al acabar el libro, uno sólo puede sobrecogerse por el sufrimiento de tantos millones de europeos una vez terminada la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El final de la contienda supuso el inicio de unos años de horror en el continente en forma de asesinatos, ajustes de cuenta, limpiezas étnicas, guerras civiles más o menos encubiertas, miseria y división en dos bloques antagónicos. Keith Lowe evita juicios de valor y para ello añade información de archivos desclasificados después de 1992 que corroboran la manipulación de datos sobre el número de población implicada en las purgas políticas en Francia e Italia, la Guerra Civil en Grecia, la instauración de regímenes comunistas en el Este de Europe, o el número de alemanes desplazados de Hungría y Polonia. Es el lector quien debe comprender la magnitud de tantas tragedias individuales y colectivas y crear su propia opinión sobre la posguerra. Con todo, Savage Continent ofrece ejemplos de reconciliación entre pueblos y naciones en la esperanza de que situaciones como las descritas no vuelvan a suceder. .
- Viktor H.Reviewed in Germany on April 14, 2021
5.0 out of 5 stars Highly informative book
By reading this book I learned many things of which I had no idea. I was born in 1948 and understand now, for the first time, why some happenings in our family were so unusual and no one wanted to talk about. Now I know why and how for example my uncle died few days after the official end of WW2 in May 1945.
- elisabetta lisa delmastroReviewed in Italy on January 13, 2015
5.0 out of 5 stars let's not forget our past
our past has so much to tell us about our present and future. very strong words and scenes. shocking in some parts but the truth must be told. loved it